By Adolfo
R. Taylhardat
Member of
the Latin American Parliament (
INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF PARLIAMENTARIAN
GLOBAL ACTION (PGA)
Mr.
President,
Honorable
Members of the International Council of PGA,
Dear
colleagues and friends,
Ladies
and gentlemen,
Today,
This means that Chavez
was democratically elected twice. First in 1998, and again in 2000. But those
who voted for him did so compelled by the need for a change in the then
prevailing social, economic and political situation of the country. Also, because
in his presidential campaign, he promised to improve the situation the
underprivileged population. He pledged to eradicate poverty, eliminate
corruption, put an end to unemployment, build houses for the homeless, rescue
the street children, improve the educational system, and, in general, to solve
all the social an economic problems of the country. In ecstasy of populism he
even committed himself to convert the presidential palace into a University for
the poor and the presidential residence into a home for the street children.
Today, five years after
his original election and three years after his “re-legitimization” Chávez has
not solved any of the economic or social problems of the country. The balance
of Chavez’s government shows that the country’s economic and social conditions
have worsened under his so called the “Bolivarian revolution”.[1]
The already grave
economic situation worsened during the first semester of this year as a result
of an exchange control system that is being used as a political weapon to
asphyxiate the private sector.
As established in article 1 of the Constitution, Chavez was
elected to rule “a democratic and social State of
But Chavez betrayed the
people who elected him by trying to implant a political project that was not
visible in his electoral program. Once in power, Chavez launched what he calls
his “Bolivarian Revolution”, which is nothing but an attempt to transplant
Providentially, among the
innovations introduced in the Venezuelan legal system by the new Constitution
there is the provision instituting the mechanism of the “recall referendum”.
Article 72 of the Constitution provides for the holding of recall referenda on
the mandates of any official holding position as a result of a popular
election, once they have completed half of the term for which they were elected
(See Attachment). This is precisely the situation President Chavez finds
himself in. It is interesting to note that President Chavez himself proposed
the inclusion of this device in the new Constitution, proudly defending it as
an instrument of "participatory democracy". Having passed his terms
mid-point, which fell on August 19th, he must face a referendum if 20% of the
electorate calls for it.[2]
Chavez’s international
disinformation campaign has spread the cliché that the “bourgeois”,
“oligarchic” “corrupt”, “conspirator” Venezuelan middle class is trying to
topple him from power. But Chavez’s foes are not bourgeois nor and much less
coup plotters. Today the large majority of the Venezuelan multi-ethnic,
multi-class population reject Chavez’s political project and is disappointed
and aggrieved because he deceived them. It is relevant to mention at this point
that the latest opinion polls, as new as of September 1st. indicate
that no less than 68.6 % of the Venezuelan electorate will vote yes in the
recall referendum. It is also interesting to note that the underprivileged
population, which until recently was Chavez’s main support, also favor
recalling his mandate.[3]
We, Venezuelans are
determined to have Article 72 of the Constitution implemented and the recall
referendum convened as soon as possible to revoke the mandate of a President
that has completely lost his legitimacy as a result of his undemocratic
performance, a President that has polarized the country and has induced
division and hatred in a country that always lived in peace and harmony. This
is precisely where we stand today. This is the end of the democratic,
constitutional, peaceful and electoral road set out in resolution 833 of the
Special Session of the Permanent Council of the OAS when it examined the
situation in
On September 20, a number
of signatures largely in excess to the required 20% were delivered to the
electoral authority. Last Friday the electoral authority refused to recognize
the validity of those signatures on the ground of some disputable
technicalities.
This very day the
electoral authority will announce the rules that apply to the process of
convening the recall referendum. The democratic opposition is ready to collect
anew the signatures and we expect to collect a number even larger than the
required 20 %.
We are struggling to
preserve democracy and our right to live in liberty. We, Venezuelans, are
resisting Chavez’s pretension to turning our country into a Cuban-style
dictatorship.
Chavez once said that the
Venezuelan democrats were stupid because they accepted losing control of
government as a result of an electoral process. Today Chavez, applying the same
reasoning, says he is not as stupid as to give up power as a result of an
electoral process.
We are aware that it is
up to us, Venezuelans, to solve our own problems. We have patiently and
stoically sought to solve our crisis through peaceful, democratic,
constitutional means. But we also need the understanding and the moral support
of the international community. The Recall Referendum is our last recourse. We
know that Chavez will use all his power and all the means he can employ to get
in the way of the realization of the Recall Referendum. If he fails to obstruct
the Referendum, most probably he will unleash his armed gangs to stop people
from going to the ballot centers. Recently, during a military ceremony, Chavez
told the armed forces that they have to choose whether to aim their riffles to
the chest of the “oligarchic traitors” (meaning his opponents) or to that of
the “noble people of
As a conclusion of my
presentation I would like to quote an article entitled “LET VENEZUELA VOTE”,
published Sunday August 31, in The Washington Post.
“The
real danger is that the president, who once attempted a military coup, will
block the vote by fraud or force. Already he claims, without evidence, that the
petition signatures are falsified. His supporters in
Just
last week the European Union issued an important statement calling on Mr.
Chavez to abide to the provisions of the Constitution and to the agreement
signed by the Government and the opposition under the sponsorship of the OAS,
the Carter Center and UNDP. Shortly the European Parliament will adopt a
resolution in the same direction.
It is evident that Chavez
strategy is to delay the referendum until August next year, in which case the
Vice-President will replace him until year 2006 when new presidential elections
will be held (See Attachment).
Finally, and without
pretending to interfere in the normal proceedings of this august body, I
venture to propose that, as a result of the consideration of the Venezuelan
situation, this Council could issue a statement calling for the peaceful
solution of the Venezuelan crisis, demanding the full implementation of Article
72 of the Constitution and urging all parties to respect the results of the
recall referendum so that Venezuela can live again in peace and harmony.
ATACHMENT
Extracts from the 1999 Venezuelan National Constitution
(The following are some provisions of the Venezuelan Constitution,
relevant to the presentation by Adolfo R. Taylhardat, Member of the Latin
American Parliament, with the corresponding translation in English)
Artículo 1.- Venezuela se
constituye en un Estado democrático y social de Derecho y de Justicia, que
propugna como valores superiores de su ordenamiento jurídico y de su actuación,
la vida, la libertad, la justicia, la igualdad, la solidaridad, la democracia,
la responsabilidad social y, en general, la preeminencia de los derechos
humanos, la ética y el pluralismo político.
Article 1. Venezuela constitutes
itself as a democratic and social State of Law and Justice that propitiates
life, liberty, justice, equality, solidarity, democracy, social responsibility
and, in general, the supremacy of human rights, ethics and political pluralism
as the superior values of its legal order and of its actions.
Artículo 72.- Todos los
cargos y magistraturas de elección popular son revocables.
Transcurrida
la mitad del período para el cual fue elegido el funcionario o funcionaria, un
número no menor del veinte por ciento de los electores o electoras inscritos en
la correspondiente circunscripción podrá solicitar la convocatoria de un
referendo para revocar su mandato.
Cuando igual
o mayor número de electores o electoras que eligieron al funcionario o
funcionaria hubieren votado a favor de la revocación, siempre que haya
concurrido al referendo un número de electores o electoras igual o superior al
veinticinco por ciento de los electores o electoras inscritos o inscritas, se
considerará revocado su mandato y se procederá de inmediato a cubrir la falta
absoluta conforme a lo dispuesto en esta Constitución y en la ley.
La
revocación del mandato para los cuerpos colegiados se realizará de acuerdo con
lo que establezca la ley.
Durante el
período para el cual fue elegido el funcionario o funcionaria no podrá hacerse
más de una solicitud de revocación de su mandato.
Article 72. Every position and
magistracy of popular election is revocable. Once half of the term for which
the official was elected has elapsed, a number not lower than twenty per cent
of electors registered in the corresponding electoral district may request the
convening of a referendum to recall his mandate. When a number of electors
equal to or greater than the number of those who elected the official vote in
favor of the recall, provided that the number of electors who participate in
the referendum is equal to or greater than twenty five per cent of the registered
electors, his mandate shall be considered revoked and his absolute absence
shall be immediately filled in conformity with the provisions of this
Constitution and the law.
The revocation of the mandate for
legislative bodies shall be performed in conformity with the law.
During the term of office for which
the official was elected, no more than one request for recall may be filed.
Artículo 233.- Serán faltas
absolutas del Presidente o Presidenta de la República: su muerte, su renuncia,
o su destitución decretada por sentencia del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia; su
incapacidad física o mental permanente certificada por una junta médica
designada por el Tribunal Supremo de Justicia y con aprobación de la Asamblea
Nacional; el abandono del cargo, declarado como tal por la Asamblea Nacional,
así como la revocación popular de su mandato.
Cuando se
produzca la falta absoluta del Presidente electo o Presidenta electa antes de
tomar posesión, se procederá a una nueva elección universal, directa y secreta
dentro de los treinta días consecutivos siguientes. Mientras se elige y toma
posesión el nuevo Presidente o la nueva Presidenta, se encargará de la
Presidencia de la República el Presidente o Presidenta de la Asamblea Nacional.
Si la falta
absoluta del Presidente o la Presidenta de la República se produce durante los
primeros cuatro años del período constitucional, se procederá a una nueva
elección universal, directa y secreta dentro de los treinta días consecutivos
siguientes. Mientras se elige y toma posesión el nuevo Presidente o la nueva
Presidenta, se encargará de la Presidencia de la República el Vicepresidente
Ejecutivo o la Vicepresidenta Ejecutiva.
En los casos
anteriores, el nuevo Presidente o Presidenta completará el período
constitucional correspondiente.
Si la falta
absoluta se produce durante los últimos dos años del período constitucional, el
Vicepresidente Ejecutivo o la Vicepresidenta Ejecutiva asumirá la Presidencia
de la República hasta completar dicho período.
Article 233.- The following events
shall constitute an absolute absence of the President of the Republic: his
death, his resignation or his removal from office by decision of the Supreme
Court of Justice; his permanent physical or mental incapacity, certified by a
medical board appointed by the Supreme Court of Justice with the approval of
the National Assembly; the abandonment of his position, duly declared by the
National Assembly, as well as the popular recall of his mandated.
If the absolute absence
of the President of the Republic occurs during the first four years of his
constitutional term, a new universal, direct and secret election shall be held
within the following thirty consecutive days. Pending the election and the
taking of oath of the new President, the Executive Vice-President shall be in
charge of the Presidency.
In the above-mentioned
cases, the new President shall complete the corresponding constitutional term.
If the absolute absence
occurs during the last two years of his constitutional term, the Executive
Vice-President shall assume the Presidency of the Republic until the completion
of said term.
[1] The most recent indexes provided by the Venezuelan Central Bank show
that notwithstanding the sharp hike of production and of the international
price of oil, the oil activity, heart and blood of the country, has decreased
26.5 %; manufacturing activity shows a regression of 22.5 %; construction,
which is one of the main job creating activities, shows a reduction of 55.9 %;
non-oil foreign investment backed down 59.24 %. Last year; exports have shrunk
35%. In general the GOP for the first half of this year has dropped 18.5 %
while accumulated inflation has reached 18.9 % not withstanding the fact that
the purchase power of the population has shrunk 16.3 %. By the end of the year
inflation is expected to reach more than 34 %. Even though the public spending
has increased considerably and represents almost 30 % of the GOP, the share of
that spending allocated tor social programs (education, health, social welfare,
housing, culture, and technology) are the lowest in the last four years. The
reason for this is that the gross of the public spending is eaten away by and
increasing partisan bureaucracy, public debt payment, and massive deviation of
resources to political ends, corruption included. Unemployment is estimated in
20 % of the working force. If informal workers are added, the percentage of
unemployed and under-employed population jumps to 70 % of the total working
force. Of the remaining 30 %, 10 % corresponds to the public sector, which
means that 20 % of the working population is producing sustain to approximately
22 million people. As a result of this, according to recent figures provided by
the Economic Commission for Latin America the level of poverty has climbed to
48% which. Today 900.000 families cannot eat one daily meal. Inevitably all
this has brought with it a considerable increase of crime and insecurity in the
country.
[2] 20 % of the electorate amounts to 2.399.213 voters. On August 20, 3.236.320 signatures requesting the recall referendum were handed to the electoral authority.
[3] The figures are as follows:
93.4 of the A and B layers of the population (reach and upper middle class)
will vote yes; rejection to Chavez in C layer (the middle class) is 83.8 %; in
the D layer (lower middle class) is 67.4 % and in the C layer (poor class) is
59.9 %.